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Tropical sex in a european country: Brazilian women's migration to Italy in the frame of international sex tourism.

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In Fortaleza, one of the main cities linked to sex tourism in the Northeast of Brazil, young low-income women leave the country either with or invited by 'sex tourists'. While some become engaged in the sex industry in Europe, others leave prostitution when they marry European men.

Focusing on the universe of couples made up of women from the Northeast of Brazil and Italian men, this paper addresses the specificities that emerge when these relationships, formed in an ambiguous terrain where sexuality, economic interest and romance intermingle, unfold in the Italian context. I analyze the cultural, political and economic implications of that migration. The study investigates the relationship between gender and economic negotiations within these couples, reflecting on the meanings that "tropical sexuality" takes on through migration to this country of the North.

Key words: migration, sex tourism, sex industry, marriage market. Transnational Desires: the migration of Brazilian women to Italy within the framework of international 'sex tourism'. In this text I discuss the migration of Brazilian women to Italy within a context of 'sex tourism' in Brazil. In the latter country, the relationship between sex tourism and migration has raised concerns since the beginning of the s. According to commonly-held opinion, Brazilian women, attracted by promises of marriage or employment offered by international visitors, are forced to prostitute themselves in Europe.

Some studies endorse the idea that, within those contexts, middlemen contact Brazilian women offering work in prostitution in Europe Piscitelli, However, as I will demonstrate shortly, migrations linked to 'sex tourism' are heterogeneous and do not always lead to Brazilian women's participation in the sex industry. From toI carried out research in Fortaleza, one of the major cities linked to sex tourism in the Northeast, well known in the international tourism circuits for its beautiful white sand beaches and turquoise sea. While carrying out my field work with the aim of understanding connections between international tourism and sexuality, Piscitelli,I perceived that girls from the lower classes frequently left the country by invitation of tourists looking for sex.

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Some left and then returned. However, others remained abroad, mostly in the North of Italy. In this text I consider how gender, articulated to other of differentiation, cuts across these migratory processes.

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Focusing on a universe made up of Brazilian women who left Fortaleza at the invitation of Italians who visited the city for the purpose of consuming sex, I explore the cultural, political and economic implications of this type of migration. In the migratory process, gender, nationality, class and notions of 'tropical sexuality' acquire new meanings, affecting women who frequently face limitations and feel a certain disillusionment. However - and this is my main argument- these relationships may take on a new value given the possibility they offer for creating a space for agency across borders.

My research followed an anthropological approach.

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The fieldwork took place in Italy, between May and Julyand in Fortaleza, for brief periods that continued until Decemberwhere I met with some of the couples that I had interviewed in Italy. Data was obtained by means of observation and in-depth interviews and gathered from various sources.

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The most relevant part of the fieldwork consisted of spending time with people in their daily lives at home, in their workplaces, throughout neighbourhood routines, at birthdays, family parties and with friends, at meetings in restaurants and bars, in Milan as well as in neighbouring towns in the Lombardy region. Of the women who migrated from Fortaleza, half were part of my universe of interviewees in the research carried out in that city, whose trajectories I accompanied over the course of several years. The rest were part of their relationship networks.

Transnational markers in the sex industry and the marriage market. In migration studies there is a consensus regarding growing female participation in international migration Anthias, ; Phizacklea,yet also points out that the feminization of these dislocations is intensified in specific currents.

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In Italy, during the s, there was a largely female migration flow from certain Asian and Latin American countries, including Brazil Orsini-Jones, ; Instituto Nazionale di Statistica, ; Andall, Women from these countries were largely concentrated within the lowest levels of the employment hierarchy in the services sector: domestic work, caring for children and elderly people and the sex industry.

Milan and a of nearby cities make up a region where a heterogeneous contingent of Brazilian women, associated in diverse ways with the sex industry, has been established. In Italy, the s is considered noteworthy in terms of the increase in the circulation of foreigners that offer sex services.

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According to research on the issue, from this time onward, foreign prostitutes, as well as dancers and mail-order wives, start to flood the sex industry Campani, This boom in foreigners, increasing and diversifying 'supply', is seen as warming up the consumer market for prostitution, including clients from diverse age groups Leonini, ; According to research on prostitution in Italy, most of this activity is carried out by transsexuals and Latin-American women, as well as African and Eastern European women Ambrosini, Brazilian women, for the most part, carry out their activities in closed spaces, situated at the middle levels of prostitution Campani, Parallel to this, the practice of marrying foreigners is ificant in Italy.

In the yearmarriages taking place between people born in Italy and born abroad represented 7. Since most citizenship concessions are related to these marriages, women are consequently a majority among new citizens Istituto Nacionale di Statistica, Research on marriage as a gateway to immigration classifies 'mixed' weddings in differentoutlining distinctions between them.

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Both forced marriages and those carried out for purposes of reunification are seen as placing women at risk of exploitation in situations where the marriage le to forced entry into the sex industry Daphne Program, Statistical data does not allow us to draw conclusions about the types of marriage involved, but it does offer information on the most sought-after nationalities for marriage. According to the analysis of the census Brazil, in that year, was the main Latin American supplier of foreign wives for Italians Instituto Nazionale de Statistica, Brazilian women who migrate from the most diverse contexts with the objective of getting into the sex industry in Italy look for networks made up of friends and acquaintances and also look for, or are contacted by, middlemen or entrepreneurs.

Some get into debt.

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Work, according to the 'schemes' which they get into, can involve a greater or lesser degree of exploitation. A hairdresser from the South of Brazil whose customers are Brazilian women and transgendered people involved in sexual work in Voghera sees sex industry participation in the following light:.

In a night club, the business has to earn money, but in a casa de encontro it depends, sometimes they [the sex workers] get it all They arrive as tourists, with the possibility of staying for three months. After that, they stay on illegally Many come from Rio de Janeiro, but many also arrive from the Northeast and the poorer regions This is applicable to both country of origin and country of destination, and are pertinent considerations for the case of migration of these Brazilian women. Nonetheless, it is important to remember that in 'sex tourism' contexts, relationships with international visitors may well extrapolate prostitution Piscitelli, Therefore, it becomes necessary to pay attention to the different contacts and networks activated by women who fulfill diverse activities in the tourism sector.

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The interviewees that left Fortaleza in the company of 'sex tourists' make up a heterogeneous mosaic. Others, reiterating the not very 'professional' standard present in relationships with foreigners in Fortaleza, visit 'boyfriends' in Italy looking for some possibility of staying on in the country through them.

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When this does not materialize, they return, bringing with them suitcases full of clothes, watches, perfumes and ultra-sophisticated cell phones. However, most of the interviewees already have a residence permit in Italy, obtained after marrying an Italian man.

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None of them is currently involved in the sex industry. In Fortaleza, some of these girls offered sexual services. A young woman from Fortaleza, aged 22, who had been living in Italy for 15 months, when narrating her meeting with her current husband, commented:. The first night I was with him We went to a motel We went to have a party, to drink At the end of the story, we ended up talking, just him and I And I made him pay me [laughs] Next day, same story I'll help you, but I can't keep doing it like a normal tourist does, paying each time.

Even though they had relationships with foreigners with an eye on obtaining material benefits, they did not go on programas. These women, mostly ' morenas ' the term used for brown skin colourbetween 22 and 31 years of age and coming from the lower and lower middle classes of various Northeastern States in Brazil, arrived in Italy at different points in time between 15 months and seven years prior.

Amongst them, the migratory pattern presents analogous features. These girls worked in tourist regions of Fortaleza, establishing successive relationships with foreigners, fostered by the dream of traveling. A year old ex-waitress tells the story of the beginning of her relationship with her current husband:.

He fell in love with me in ten days I came to [Italy to] spend a month and go back. I said Well, I'll go, but with a return ticket, with my passport that will stay in my hand so that when I want to return, I can return, with money in my pocket".

He sent money, tickets. So many had said that they wanted me to come and it never worked out.

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Well, this time it did! In the context where they found their partners, money, sex and love intermingle in an ambiguous terrain. Relationships with foreigners tend to be marked by economic interests. However, cut across by conceptualizations of gender, ethnicity and 'colour', they can also involve romanticism and a certain idealization, combined with the desire to live outside of Brazil. In the universe of these interviewees, migratory projects are instigated by the apparent success of other girls that, after having migrated, continue to maintain close links with their place of origin.

Female networks of friends operate, stimulating the dreams of leaving and offering elements to assess the best possible destinations. Literature which analyzes the feminization of contemporary migrations sees migrations as part of a family strategy. Considering the low income of such families, these are ificant resources.

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The story of the ex-waitress allows us to see the how far-reaching this flow is:. That's enough in Fortaleza. I saved money for two years, he and I It's for my mother, my daughter and my younger sister who's 12, the same age as my daughter, to live in. But I put it in my daughter's name

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